INDU: A STEP TOWARDS BUILDING ROBUST INDIAN STRATEGIC THINKING

“A careful analysis of strategic culture could help policymakers establish more accurate and empathetic understandings of how different actors perceive the game being played, reducing uncertainty and other information problems in strategic choice,” stated Elizabeth Stone. While defining strategic culture Jack Snyder wrote, as “the sum of ideas, conditioned emotional responses and patterns of habitual behaviour that members of a national strategic community have acquired through instruction or imitation and share with each other …” Further elaborating on it, he described strategic culture as "the body of attitudes and beliefs that guides and circumscribes thought on strategic questions, influences the way strategic issues are formulated, and sets the vocabulary and perceptual parameters of strategic debate.”

A robust strategic culture is necessary for a state to identify and elucidate the various alterations occurring in a nation’s security. It also provides policy makers with alternative views to analyze a nation’s defence and security policies. An in-depth analysis of strategic culture serves as a helpful resource to understand the impact of values and beliefs on foreign and security policies of states. Finally, it also provides a prism through which one can understand the evolving attitudes, beliefs, and practices regarding the use of force.

Some have alluded to the reality, not based on careful analysis, that there is no ancient ‘military’ classic on ‘strategy’ apart from Kautilya’s Arthasastra. But, if one were to carefully peruse ancient writings as well as modern thinkers on strategy in India, one comes across Jawaharlal Lal Nehru, K Subrahmaniam, KM Pnikkar, General K Sundarji and a host of others who have contributed substantially to Indian strategic thinking. Yet, one will also have to conclude that given India’s growing influence in the world and its emergence as a major power in the near future, more is certainly required to carefully cultivate a nuanced and India specific strategic thinking.

After more than six decades of independence, India is finally set to get its own strategic thinking hub as the Union Cabinet gave green signal to establish the country's first Indian National Defence University (INDU). In an attempt to structuralize research on defence and strategic issues, with policy oriented component, the group of ministers’ report on ‘Reforming the National Security System’ had strongly recommended INDU’s creation. This was strongly recommended by the eminent security analyst K Subrahmaniam after the 1999 Kargil conflict with Pakistan. A 13-member expert Committee on National Defence University (CONDU) recommended adoption of the US model, albeit with modifications to suit Indian needs. Its recommendations were based on two primary issues; first, to attain an effective and focused policy planning mechanism. Second, is to train members of all three services in the fields of national security and security policy and to create an apex body for this purpose.

According to media reports, INDU will bring most of the existing government think tanks like National Defence Academy (Khadakwasla , Pune), National Defence College (Delhi), College of Defence Management (Secunderabad) and Defence Services Staff College (Wellington), under one roof. As indicated by media reports, it is also likely to include new institutes like the National Institute of Strategic Studies, College of National Security Policy and Institute for Advanced Technology Studies, apart from a war gaming and simulation centre.

A long time requirement is heading towards its fulfillment. The Government has finally realized the significance of creating an institution where ideas of the strategic community and government institutions can be interwoven to produce a strong framework for national security. The INDU will not only coalesce and synergize the world between academia and government to craft India's long term strategic and geopolitical ambitions but will also act as a tool to "educate national security leaders on all aspects of national strategy.'' It will serve as a bridge between the political community and the complex world of national security and defence issues. Moreover, the INDU will provide an opportunity to all the three defence forces, the Army, Air Force and Navy, to interact, coordinate and develop a composite and holistic strategic culture.

Elaborating on the significance of an Indian strategic culture, the noted Indian strategic expert, Kanti Bajpai writes, “The future of South Asia will depend in large part on India. As the largest country in the region, its choices and actions will condition the policies of its neighbours and of the non-regional powers that have a stake in the subcontinent. India's policies are likely to affect actors well beyond South Asia as well. India's choices and actions will affect the life chances of over one billion Indians and perhaps another two billion people around its periphery.” Given the present scenario and India’s aspiration to attain the status of superpower, the foundation of such ambitions also lies on a strong strategic culture that it can create, explore and boost to ensure a strong security apparatus and the establishment of the INDU is one giant leap in this direction.

Source:- http://www.ipcs.org/article/india/indu-a-step-towards-building-robust-indian-strategic-thinking-3144.html

INDIA’S ENDEAVOUR TO ATTAIN SPACE SECURITY ASSET

The evolution of information technology has metamorphosed the very dynamics of contemporary warfare. In the current scenario, national security not only relies on the modernization of armed forces, cutting-edge defence technology and innovative policies, but also on elusive assets like communication and information. There is a transition, from the race of arms, nuclear weapons, weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), towards the race of information dominance. The enhanced use of information, expeditious chrysalis of microcomputers, information technologies and cyberspace has changed the very face of war and emerged as a new challenge for national security. The avidity to acquire more information and intelligence to counter and design future warfare puts an intense demand on space assets.

Accentuating the advantages of space assets, James A Lewis, a Senior Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, asserts that using satellites and space services for national security provides several important benefits. First, space services are a force multiplier for conventional forces, as they improve capabilities and performance. Second, space services can significantly expand intelligence collection and analysis for assessing threats and providing warnings. Nations can, of course, conduct military operations, collect intelligence, and plan their security and strategic functions without access to space assets and services, but those that make use of space will have an advantage over their adversaries and competitors. Finally, space programs are an element of national power – they increase prestige and provide technological prowess than can expand a nation’s influence and leadership on the international stage.

After decades of waiting on the sidelines, India has imbibed the importance of space assets due to a series of transitions taking place in its geopolitical environment, uncertain and altering international security order, indispensability of gaining information dominance and decisive role of information in asymmetric warfare with rapid technological advancements. Moreover, its face-off with cross border terrorism, infiltration bids, and especially the Kargil experience, further reinforced its determination to look towards space as an imperative option for national security. The resolve to create its own alcove in space assets has today made India one of the major space actors in Asia. Seen as one of the most active players in Asia after China, India is rated as a world leader in the remote sensing data market. India's vigorous peaceful space programme has made noteworthy all-round progress.

According to the Department of Space Annual Report (2008-2009), the Indian space programme made phenomenal progress in its quest towards mastering critical technologies and witnessed several major accomplishments. A major event was the successful launch of India‘s first mission to the Moon, Chandrayaan-1. The Indian space programme recorded another major success with the launching of 10 satellites utilizing the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) from Sriharikota that included India‘s advanced remote sensing satellite CARTOSAT-2A, Indian Mini Satellite (IMS-1) and eight nano satellites for international customers. In addition to this, 2009 witnessed the successful launch of seven satellites - OCEANSAT-2, four CUBESAT Satellites and two RUBIN-9, Radar Imaging Satellite (RISAT)-2 and Anna University Microsatellite (ANUSAT) from Sriharikota. Moreover the two major operational space systems – Indian National Satellite (INSAT) and Indian Remote Sensing (IRS) satellites have continued to provide reliable services to the nation.

On the international podium, India is already working in a technological alliance with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) of the United States (US). Formal Memoranda of Understandings (MOU) have been signed with Australia, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, China, European Organization for the Exploitation of Meteorological Satellites (EUMETSAT), European Space Agency (ESA), France, Germany, Hungary, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Mauritius, Mongolia, Myanmar, the Netherlands, Norway, Peru, Russia, Sweden, Thailand, United Kingdom , Ukraine, the US and Venezuela. Today developing countries are looking up to India for research assistances and support.

However, India needs to accelerate its space missions, keeping pace with China’s rapid development in this field. Elaborating on motives that guide both China’s civil and military space efforts, James A Lewis pointed out that, “China looks to these new technologies to provide asymmetric advantage against the US and other potential opponents. This means that military space architecture for China will look very different from that used by the US or Russia.” News reports indicate that, “China's space program is poised to surge ahead in 2010. In fact, over the next 12 months, China's activities in space may be such that 2010 could well rank as one of China's top years thus far in terms of the total number and variety of missions launched.”

Moreover, Pakistan-China bilateral cooperation in the space industry should be also noted. Recent years have witnessed their collective efforts to advance their space and science and technology cooperation. For example, China was a great force to provide momentum to Pakistan’s space programme in 1990. Beijing catapult Islamabad’s first satellite, Badr-A, from its Xichang Launch Center. Both countries are working together in space industry, cyber-security, climate science and so on.

Meanwhile India too is moving ahead, The Indian navy plans to create and sustain a three dimensional, technology enabled network centric system with its dedicated satellite support system. Moreover, efforts like expected launch of spy craft, called the Communication Centric Intelligence Satellite is another concrete step in attaining a secure space architecture. The use of space to provide an invincible shield and strengthen national security from future electronic warfare threats is no more a distinct dream, but an upcoming reality.

Source:- http://www.ipcs.org/article/military/indias-endeavour-to-attain-space-security-asset-3071.html

CHINESE NAVAL AMBITIONS – CONCERN FOR INDIA?

As Chinese interests continue to amplify, China is reaching out to upgrade its ability to protect its interests beyond the Great Wall. Last year witnessed a three dimensional approach from Beijing to increase its area of influence across land, in the sea and into space.

International concern was triggered by an interview published on a Chinese Defence website. Yin Zhuo, a retired Admiral, now a senior researcher at the navy's Equipment Research Centre, came up with a proposal to set up a permanent base to support ships on anti-piracy missions in the Gulf of Aden. This has raised international concern in general and in India in particular that China was preparing to build naval bases far from its shores.

Yin's proposal came in the backdrop of the release of a Chinese cargo ship with a 25 member crew from Somali pirates after the payment of a 3.5-million-dollar ransom. While highlighting the need of an oversea naval base, Yin Zhuo said, "I feel that it would be appropriate if we could have a relatively stable, fixed base for supplies and maintenance."

In support of his argument he stated that the first of the four PLA Navy task forces sent to the Gulf of Aden had to spend 123 days at sea without calling at any port, leading to resupply, medical, and morale problems. He stressed that a naval base would provide Chinese sailors with assured access to fresh fruit, vegetables, and water, as well as communications, repair, medical, and other facilities.

Further he noted that these bases would facilitate the fulfillment of mounting global expectations on Beijing as a global stakeholder. But, he was also quick to assert that he foresaw the need for only a few bases and China did not need to send its navy everywhere.

Although it was published on a Chinese defence website, Chinese authorities were quick to detach themselves from the proposal. Later on, Chinese Defence Ministry clarified that, "An overseas supply base might be an option in the future, but it's not being considered at this time." However, the Ministry asserted that the PLA Navy would continue its existing practice of supporting its Gulf of Aden operations through the use of maritime resupply at sea and temporary access to a French base at Djibouti.

From the Chinese analyst point of view, the need of overseas bases has risen from increasing expectations placed on Beijing, its growing interest in foreign countries, and its ability to protect those interests. Besides, the proposal is in itself an indication of change in the PRC’s existing doctrines. Till date China does not have any permanent base of operations outside its own territory. Yin’s proposal further reinforces the Chinese defense analysts’ arguments on modifying the "no foreign bases" doctrine. However, if media reports are to be believed, China is reportedly interested in establishing naval bases in Bangladesh, Cambodia, Myanmar, Pakistan, Thailand and the South China Sea to protect its sea lines of communication.

From a strategic point of view, owning an overseas naval base near the Middle East and Africa will give China an advantage to exhibit its military might and maintain forward military operations in other military contingencies. The region holds great value for Beijing as it imports much of its oil, natural gas, and other raw materials from here. Moreover, if China is successful in making one overseas base, then the future can witness more such developments

Elaborating on the implications on India if China establishes foreign bases, an Indian analyst Pankaj Kumar Jha, at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, observed that,” If the bases are closer to its coastline then it will have some implications but it would be US which would be more perturbed. India will be disturbed only if the bases are close to Andamans like Rondo, Coco Islands or western coast of Malay Peninsula. More so only bases are not enough, one must have power projection capabilities like aircraft carrier. China does have sea denial and deterrence capability because of nuclear submarines but lacks projection capabilities.”

In response to a question as to how should India counter this threat, Jha said,”To my belief there is no such thinking. But if India has to devise something then it can act on building an axis with Vietnam and Indonesia. One must understand that Vietnam and Indonesia can act as a counter balance to China if India organizes its military diplomacy in a proactive and productive framework. Also with increasing closeness between US and Vietnam as well as Indonesia being an old ally of US this looks feasible. The other option is to closely cooperate with Japan and Australia with regard to naval co-operation, which is very much on the cards.”

Words like expansion and encroachment are not new for the Dragon, but every time it is used it sounds alarm bells around the world and in India. But, the question of China’s growing naval presence in the Indian Ocean remains a serious concern to India.

Source:- http://www.ipcs.org/article/china/chinese-naval-ambitions-concern-for-india-3045.html